Asad Interview in al-Hayat 29/06/06

Syrian President Bashar al-Assad: We are not anxious about an Iranian-American settlement. If it happens, it will serve the cause of stability, and Syria… The Beirut-Damascus Declaration harms national security and individuals were warned, then the judiciary moved. (Part II)

Ghassan Charbel Al-Hayat - 29/06/06


DAMASCUS - Here is the second and final part of an interview with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.

Al-Hayat: President Ahmadinejad sent a letter to President George Bush, inviting him to hold dialogue. Can you invite President Bush to do the same?

President al-Assad: We have always called for dialogue, regardless of the form of the invitation, whether via a letter, a third party, or statements in the media. In most of our political discourse, we discuss the necessity of dialogue, and specifically with America. However, is this administration capable of dialogue? This is the more important question. Until now, it doesn't appear capable (of dialogue).

Al-Hayat: Is the door completely closed at present? There is no exchange of letters or signs, and Syria is skilled at such signs.

President al-Assad: There is an exchange of letters, but this type of letter gives an opportunity to the official side to say that it has nothing to do with these letters. Meaning, they claim no relationship to them so that they don't have to change their positions of support for a policy of isolating Syria, or not dealing with Syria. However, in fact, an American delegation came to us last week, and for example, asked that the meeting not be made public, and we agreed. They sat down for two hours and said, the administration will listen to our opinion. Perhaps half of the delegation stems from the administration, God knows, but they come under different names.

Al-Hayat: Do you feel that Syria is in a state of isolation, as a result of the tough international pressure upon it?

President al-Assad: No, in fact the issue of isolation was discussed by me during my recent speech at the Arab Lawyers' Conference. The issue of isolation is one of form; if we search for a formal role today, we are in a state of isolation. Syria is not seeking a formal role; we always seek a true, effective role. As for the Arabs, their role has become limited in recent years, especially after 11 September 2001, in terms of form. There is no true Arab role. Currently, Syria appears to be isolated in form, but in content, nothing at all has changed. We continue to have the same role, and in fact, the Syrian role has now become much better than it has been in years. The reason for this is that the Syrian view has proven itself to be correct.

Al-Hayat: Are you worried about the Iranian issue? Do you think that there's the possibility of war, between Iran and the US?

President al-Assad: If we think about this logically, we don't see such a possibility, because there are no clear horizons for such an event. No one can determine how far things will go, not in terms of geography or destruction; in qualitative and not geographical terms. I don't believe that anyone in the US, or elsewhere, who is sane thinks that we can settle matters with this kind of war. In the beginning, dialogue was rejected, and now there is talk about dialogue, and I hope that dialogue actually begins. Things are moving in the right direction, as far as we can see.

Al-Hayat: Doesn't Syria have fears about a US-Iranian deal that would involve seeing Iran considered a major regional player, meaning the marginalization of the Syrian and Arab role in the region?

President al-Assad: No, particularly with regard to Syria. I don't want to speak about the rest of the Arabs. Syria has a role in various matters, particularly regarding Iraq, and it will have a positive role, for the benefit of Iraqis, of whom we have received many. One cannot ignore the role of Syria, as an Arab state, and a neighboring state. Maybe I shouldn't use the word deal, since it has a negative, or sometimes opportunistic meaning. Let us say, settlement. What kind of settlement would there be between America and Iran? I believe it would be something positive, because it would serve the cause of stability, and the Syrian situation, in all its dimensions. Thus, I can say that we are not worried at all, and we say dialogue is a good thing. Dialogue in the end has the goal of arriving at a settlement, it's not dialogue for the sake of dialogue.

Al-Hayat: Can you see one day Syria entering into dialogue with America, via Iran?

President al-Assad: No, in fact dialogue with America should be direct. I'll go back to the same notion, if America is ready for dialogue with Iran than it is able and will be able to have dialogue with the entire world. Today, it is unable to have dialogue with its European and Arab allies. This is what we hear from the allies, who are unable to have dialogue with America. When you reach dialogue with Iran, then you can certainly be able to have dialogue with Syria, or others.

Al-Hayat: Some people are talking about a disastrous scenario for the region, meaning that people here will awake one day to find American planes striking Iranian nuclear facilities. The completion of the scenario says that Hizbullah in Lebanon will rain down its arsenal of missiles on Israel, and Hamas will complete things in the occupied territories. Does Syria fear such a scenario of this kind will jeopardize the security of oil and the region?

President al-Assad: Certainly.

Al-Hayat: Is Syria a part of this scenario, one of responding to an American attack on Iran?

President al-Assad: No, we are not a part of it. However, with all certainty, when the region becomes so chaotic, it is unreasonable to think that things will be stable with you. Perhaps events will push you toward becoming part of this chaos, when the issue is a huge and very dangerous one. But there is a more important question, in isolation from the military scenarios. When you carry out such an operation, where do the radioactive materials go? What will happen? If you think about striking a state with a nuclear capacity, imagine the chaos in a nuclear state - what does it mean? The issue is much more dangerous than a mere case of a military response here, and the launch of a missile there. It's much more dangerous than discussing the issue of the Strait of Hormuz.

Al-Hayat: If Iran manufactures a nuclear bomb, this means that the Arabs are between two bombs, Iranian and Israeli. Do you fear that the new Middle East will be a division of roles among Turkey, Iran and Israel?

President al-Assad: We should not draw parallels among the three states, in terms of role or objectives, but this returns us to the first question. If there is no desire for an Arab role, then we will not be present. This is what determines the picture you are talking about. If we want to be marginal, we cannot ask others to remain marginal, so that we remain strong. We should be strong, and then we won't worry about the roles you're talking about. However, it appears that these countries have a desire to play a role. I mean Turkey and Iran, and not Israel, which is another subject, since it is a state of occupation and has different principles. This is something patriotic, for these countries to play a regional role. Each state should wish to play such a role, but not in contradiction with one another.

Al-Hayat: Is the topic of Iran present in your meetings and contacts with Saudi officials?

President al-Assad: We talk about it as well as others. Certainly, and in the same logic as the way we discuss it with President Mubarak. In talking about the issue, I always say that the problem is the Arab role, and not the nature of the Iranian role, regardless of whether we praise, attack or defend the Iranian role. The issue is: where is the Arab role?

Al-Hayat: However, there is Arab rebuke for Syria because it went too far with Iran and signed security agreements with it, in light of the crisis and fears about nuclear aspirations.
President al-Assad: If isolating Iran is what is demanded, why did a stampede of Arab officials toward Iran take place recently? That's first. Second, this means that we see the way things are heading, and I was subjected to a fierce attack when I visited Iran last July.

Al-Hayat: From whom?

President al-Assad: From various media. Let's say that it wasn't from the media, but from the criticism of some Arab officials in some of their meetings, and now they're doing the same thing that we did. Thus, we knew where events were headed. The issue isn't whether we go with Iran. We're not going with anyone. Syria has its position, and Iran has its position, and we have Iraq between us. Today, Iraq is the most important topic in the region. We are all trying to play a role, without conflicting with each other, and it's not necessarily the case that one of us is attached to the other (in a dependent fashion). But we should not isolate Iran, so that we can say that Syria is playing an Arab role. We are playing an Arab role in coordination with Iran.

Al-Hayat: In the 1980s, Syria played a role in reducing the tension between Iran and the states of the Gulf. Is Syria playing this role now, or trying to play it, or do Gulf-Iranian relations require no mediator?

President al-Assad: We are playing this role and notice at the same time that there is awareness by the Arab countries that a clash with Iran is in no one's interest. So, they are moving. We are always trying, in every meeting or discussion on Iran, and in every meting with Iran and discussion about the Arab states, to pay attention to this subject. Having good and positive Arab-Iranian relations is necessary for the stability of the region, and we are trying to play this role, but as I said, Arab states are exhibiting awareness about this point.

Al-Hayat: Is there the possibility of returning to the Saudi-Egyptian-Syrian triangle, which was considered a kind of guarantee to control any Arab collapse?

President al-Assad: This triangle is important, and plays a role; perhaps it is not via a tripartite meeting, such as a summit, or foreign ministers' meeting, but through Syrian-Saudi, and Syrian-Egyptian, and Egyptian-Saudi coordination, which is present today regarding the same issues. We coordinate on a continuing basis, and in terms of content, this exists today, although the form is different.

Al-Hayat: How would you describe Syrian-Saudi relations today?

President al-Assad: Good, particularly with the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King Abdullah bin Abdel-Aziz. He hasn't changed with Syria; despite what is rumored about impressions last year that King Abdulah was angry with us when he was Crown Prince. Of course, this wasn't true. Relations with King Abdullah specifically haven't changed at all.

Al-Hayat: Are there now Saudi-Syrian contacts underway? What are the issues discussed in these contacts?

President al-Assad: Of course, there are contacts about all Arab issues, and Iraq first of all. Today, the topic of Palestine, after the clashes began in recent weeks, has become one of the renewed and urgent topics of discussion.

Al-Hayat: Iranian officials say that they're ready to assist America in getting its troops out of Iraq, because this would be in the interest of the Iraqi people. Is Syria ready to help the US as well in this regard?

President al-Assad: Syria opposed the war to begin with, from day one until the exit of occupying forces from Iraq in open fashion. It also goes without saying that we are providing all possible assistance in order to see the exit of occupying troops, or let us say facilitating everything that we can, since assistance might be taken to mean something else. Certainly, we are ready for this.

American Offers

Al-Hayat: If we return to the topic of Syrian-American relations, Washington says that it doesn't want to change the regime in Syria, but wants a change in behavior; in your opinion, where is the problem? Is it Iraq, or Lebanon, relations with Hamas or Islamic Jihad? Where is the problem?

President al-Assad: I prefer to discuss a fact, and not an opinion. An opinion might involve analysis, but a there actual things being asked of Syria. First, we were asked to participate in the Iraq war, and we refused. Then, we were asked to disarm the Palestinians in Lebanon and Hizbullah, especially during the period between the issuing of UN Security Council Resolution 1559 and the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. This phase involved bargaining, so that Syria could remain in Lebanon, but it would have to do this and that.

Al-Hayat: Who requested this? The Americans?

President al-Assad: The Americans, of course. (UN Envoy Terje-Roed) Larsen. Some Europeans, in the form of mediation, would relay American messages to us.

Al-Hayat: So that Syria could remain in Lebanon?

President al-Assad: This was the meaning of the proposal, also during a later phase. After the war, Syria was requested to promote the Road Map. Syria didn't oppose it, but didn't agree to it either. They wanted Syria to give them the cover, to say that the process was good, and that the proposal was good. We weren't mistaken. At the least, in terms of Syria the proposal wasn't good. We were asked to lay siege to Hamas, strike at Hamas, this was the change in behavior requested of Syria.

Al-Hayat: Is Syria ready to change its behavior?

President al-Assad: If we were, we would have done that a long time ago.

Al-Hayat: Regarding the international situation, has the wager, if the term is correct, on a Russian and Chinese role, shown its benefit in assisting Syria in general?

President al-Assad: In general, there is no doubt. These states stood with us during difficult times, in a clear and decisive manner. However, this was also part of Syria's policy to expand relations with various states. These states are important because they are permanent members of the Security Council, but we are also expanding our ties with countries in Asia in general, and Latin America, and these relations are important today, under current international conditions of America's going it alone to lead the world.

Al-Hayat: It's been said that Syria is ready to make efforts to convince Hamas to accept the Arab Peace Initiative.

President al-Assad: Let me clarify this point, against the background of the Egyptian-Saudi Summit, which asked Hamas to approve this initiative. We met with the leaders who are present in Syria, and consulted with them, and asked them what they thought. You know that Hamas, as an organization, has objections to the initiative. It rejects it, and has objections to many other things that perhaps Syria approves of.

However, our question was the following: How does Hamas, now that it is in office, deal with the proposals and what does it think? Of course, we didn't expect a quick answer, since the matter requires dialogue, and you know that part of Hamas is outside (Palestine) and the biggest portion is inside. There must be dialogue between those inside and outside (Palestine), especially since they hadn't taken a clear position on the matter.

We are now awaiting dialogue within Hamas about these proposals, but on the other hand, the idea being put forward is that Hamas is not flexible. Let's first ask something else, before the issue of flexibility. The natural question is on what basis should we advise Hamas or convince it, or pressure it, regarding the Arab Peace Initiative, which Israel doesn't accept in the first place? When we give advice to someone, we should have an answer about this point. Up to now, we still don't have an answer to this in Syria. What should we say to Hamas? Let's assume that it agrees - the initiative remains stillborn as long as the other side doesn't recognize its existence, and will not do so, it seems.

We are exerting pressure on something that might appear to be ephemeral or vague at times, so we should specify the response to this point. Another issue is that Hamas, in its new position being in office, has yet to abolish the (peace) agreements. Of course, it is not responsible for the agreements that have been signed, and we believe that there has been a type of flexibility in Hamas' position until now. Therefore, before talking about advice or pressure on Hamas to have dialogue, we should see what Hamas' opinion is, and give it the chance to hold dialogue, because they are an organization and have various rules, before we pronounce a final opinion on this matter.

Al-Hayat: It's been noted that the head of Egyptian intelligence, General Omar Suleiman, has visited Damascus many times. Is Hamas the central topic in discussions with Suleiman?

President al-Assad: This topic was in order to prepare for topics that would be raised with President Mubarak at the summit, and as we said, the discussion was about the Palestinian and Iraqi situations, and how we could move in the Arab arena. During my visit to Egypt, we followed up the discussion and prepared ideas regarding these two topics.

Al-Hayat: I understand from this that there is consensus between Vice President Farouq al-Sharaa and Khaled Meshaal (of Hamas) about a number of points, as a basis for Syrian efforts with the Arab League. What are they?

President al-Assad: Yes, of course one of them is based on Hamas' opinion of the Arab Peace Initiative. However, it's something that relies on what Hamas says, first of all. The second point is the topic of expanding the Palestine Liberation Organization, since it is the sole representative of the Palestinian people. In this case, in the event that Hamas and the rest of the Palestinian factions join the PLO, there are chances of a dispute between various groups; the PLO will be the container in which all Palestinian points of view would be gathered; it will take the correct decision, or what the Palestinian people believes to be correct. There is also consensus about support for inter-Palestinian dialogue and efforts to form a national coalition government.

Al-Hayat: Do you fear that a Palestinian civil war will break out?

President al-Assad: Yes, and this is not something that is new. I raised the matter when Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon began talking about "Gaza First." I said to them, this is a plan for a Palestinian civil war, regardless of the conditions that will arise. We didn't know that Hamas would compete in elections and we didn't know that it would win. But the Israeli goal conforms with what is taking place today, or what is being prepared today, under different circumstances. We believe that some Palestinians are giving Israel, via these clashes, what it has never dreamed of.

Al-Hayat: How is your relationship with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas?

President al-Assad: Good. The good thing about Mahmoud Abbas is that he's clear. There's a clarity, even if we don't agree about political issues. For example, Syria still believes that, regarding Oslo, and the Palestinian track of the peace process since it began, but we don't discuss these things. What concerns us most is the unity of the Palestinians, before these other things.

When I saw President Mahmoud Abbas during various events in Syria, and at the Arab Summit, I told him, "What concerns us is the Palestinians' unity. "We deal with President Mahmoud Abbas on this basis, and he's comfortable with this, I think, and we are trying to have equal relations with all sides.

Al-Hayat: Is Syria fearful about a protracted civil war in Iraq, that will have a regional attraction among people in neighboring countries?

President al-Assad: Of course. We bring this up on a continual basis, especially when explain to foreigners the repercussions that take place against a background of such things in Iraq; all other countries in the region that have such a social environment will see a long-term impact, and Syria will be affected, certainly. We always warn people about this point.

Al-Hayat: Has something practical come up in discussions among Syria, Saudi Arabia and Egypt, some type of effort to see a recovery in Iraq?

President al-Assad: Currently, at least Syria has begun to do something. We proposed to our brethren in Saudi Arabia and Egypt that we act, since the meeting of Iraq's neighboring countries didn't achieve the desire results. Of course, there's an upcoming meeting of these countries, which Syria will attend, but after three years, what has this meeting of countries achieved? Statements. Statements will not solve the problem of Iraq; there must be certain foundations for our efforts. We now meet with many Iraqi delegations, especially in an unannounced fashion. We receive proposals from them and search for something that we share, and regarding this joint item, the Arab countries concerned with the issue should create a political formula that conforms to this joint item, the unity of Iraqis. We hear many objections to the political formulas that are out there now; some people object to the Constitution, or other things, and there are groups in Iraqi society that believe that they have lost, and won. There are groups that see themselves as oppressed, and this is very dangerous for the future of Iraq, regardless of the presence or absence of the occupation. We should unify these issues, and we in Syria believe - we always use this point as the introduction to our political discourse - that the Arabism of Iraq should be the basis, and everything should be based on this Arabism.
For example, Sayyed Muqtada Sadr has proposed a document containing a number of principles, and we believe that most Iraqis agree with these principles. Therefore, we should move based on these proposals, to create dialogue. At the same time, there was a meeting that was going to take place in the coming days, and was delayed. There was Iraqi-Iraqi dialogue, and Syria was taking part in it. We are now taking these steps in an active fashion, to strengthen relations with the Iraqis and help them create a strong dialogue process among them. This is in principle. However, this dialogue will determine the mechanisms for the future. We can't set down a comprehensive vision for the future; we only have preliminary information at the moment, nothing completely clear yet.

Al-Hayat: It had been decided that Foreign Minister Walid Moallem would take part in an Iraqi National Accord meeting in June, and it's now being said that there is an upcoming, separate visit by the minister to Baghdad. Are there contacts underway to resume diplomatic relations between Syria and Iraq?

President al-Assad: We have begun contacts, first, to restore diplomatic ties, which will be followed by appointing an ambassador or opening an embassy. Then, there is talk of moving toward meetings between ministers. Of course, the details of these dates haven't been settled, but it's there in principle. We aren't saying, no to diplomatic relations, but it's still early, because we're talking today about political relations and are looking forward to establishing diplomatic ties with Iraq.

Al-Hayat: It's been observed recently that the clashes between Syrian intelligence and Takfiri groups have been increasing. Are these clashes related to the climate in Iraq? Are there groups resembling al-Qaida, or what exactly?

President al-Assad: The relationship is a direct one, and in its essence involves what is taking place in Iraq. This is what we've learned from investigations, and not an analysis. According to these investigations, a big portion aren't linked to al-Qaida, or anyone. Most of them are cases that have developed due to the situation in Iraq; some of them via television, and others involve who went there and interacted even more, and returned with completely different ideas. Sometimes, these involve a mix of hatred of Americans, who are killing Iraqis, and those who are extremists and have left behind their religion for extremism. This of course is a case of leaving behind your religion, when a person becomes extreme in this way, and becomes a terrorist, who leaves behind their religion. They believe the issue is the same, and they sometimes bring in a third thing, which is that they must fight everyone who is not like them, regarding peoples, and states. The issue of al-Qaida is brought up as if it's an organization with a structure, or a party. As for the small groups, the only thing linking them is Takfiri thought. This is thought, as I have said, which is affected by what's happening in Iraq.

Al-Hayat: Do they receive assistance from certain quarters?

President al-Assad: No, most of them no. Most of them try to obtain money to fund their operations, because they are Mujahideens, as they believe, in the path of Islam.

Al-Hayat: Does it bother Syria if it turns out that al-Qaida has found a foothold in Lebanon?

President al-Assad: This is something that has become a reality.

Al-Hayat: Does al-Qaida have a presence in Lebanon?

President al-Assad: When Syria was present in Lebanon, al-Qaida was there, but in a restricted scope. The Dinnieh events of 2000 were a clear sign of this.

Al-Hayat: Does Syria have information about the growth of al-Qaida's influence in Lebanon following the Syrian withdrawal?

President al-Assad: Of course. It's natural for us to make this connection, and today there are many groups that we are pursuing; some of them flee from Syria to Lebanon, because it's closest, and easiest, and there are mountain roads. Certainly, some of the information that we have confirms this.

Al-Hayat: Mr. President, why has reform been so tardy in Syria? Is it because of pressing regional conditions, from Iraq to Sharon's presence in office for a long period of time? Is it difficult to change mentalities in Syria?

President al-Assad: Who has set the pace of reform, so that we can talk about being late? This is a natural question. I have always asked this, and never receive an answer. What is the speed of reform? Reform means going as fast as possible with as few losses as possible. The person who can determine this is responsible for reform in the first degree, the highest official in the state. This is if we want to call reform slow or fast. I think that these kind of evaluations are a waste of time.
Slow or fast, this is something subjective.

The important thing is whether or not we're moving forward. This is number one. We are moving forward, with big steps. The proof, or one of the numerical indicators, is that growth in 2000 was nearly zero. Today, according to the IMF report, growth in the non-oil sector is 5.5 percent. Without reform, we wouldn't have been able to reach this number, in terms of the economy. However, we must determine the priorities of reform, which for us have always involved the economic situation, and we are focusing all of our efforts in this direction.

Another aspect is - do political conditions serve our cause. Of course, they don't. The political conditions in Syria and around it involve pressure over the last year, and the clear and direct obstacles from America and some European countries regarding the reform process in Syria. All of this means that we were able to carry out reform despite these conditions. How would it have been if the situation had been normal, or if there had been regional or international support for reform? In fact, there is no such support; there are direct obstacles, in addition to obstacles that are due to various political conditions.

Reform requires creativity, and creativity can't exist if we are closed to the outside world. By this I don't mean extremism, or terrorism, since the distance between them is small. We are carrying out reform; what determines the speed are the tools that we possess. You are on a boat or ship, but you're not the only captain. The ship is the region, and there are many people who participate in steering, domestically and externally. Therefore, the reform process is not something you lead, in absolute fashion, or are asked about in an absolute fashion. These surrounding conditions should be taken into consideration.

Al-Hayat: Regarding the 10th Five Year Plan, which was approved by Parliament, can you say that this represent Syria's vision for the coming years, politically and economically? Are you optimistic that it will be actually implemented?

President al-Assad: Of course, as a vision, it is certainly Syria's vision for the future. However, the possibility of implementation depends on the implementing plans that will be proposed and ratified. In one of my recent meetings with the Cabinet, I stressed this point.

This issue depends on the possibility of creating dialogue among various parties that are concerned with this topic in Syria, especially the federations, unions and organizations, in addition to the state, and various chambers. Perhaps we sometimes agree on a general principle, but we don't agree on the mechanism, especially when we know that the mechanism used to arrive at a given point will affect certain interests, sometimes, or requires a bit of belt-tightening, and perhaps it will be rejected. Therefore, it's not enough to be optimistic just because we've ratified this plan. This isn't enough. We must set down mechanisms for dialogue.

Al-Hayat: You said, in your recent PBS interview, that priorities have changed, and that now the priority is security, due to the conditions existing in Syria. To what extent does this affect reform? What does this mean in practical terms, on the ground?

President al-Assad: I hope that it won't be affected. However, I think that there will be an effect, since the priority is for it to move as quickly as possible, and as strongly as possible in a certain direction. This direction, which is being determined, is based on two things. The first is what is the possibility of accomplishments on this front? It's natural for the priority to be in an easy area. Second, how much insistence is there, and how much hurry, in the sense of danger? What is the dangerous impact on this front? Regarding this aspect, we say that the repeated terrorist acts in Syria, and the security forces' confronting these acts, has made this area difficult and urgent, meaning it should be treated quickly, as a priority. I can't say that this area is more important than the economy, more important than food and people's material conditions. However, I think it is equally as important. What's the use of being well-off today and hungry tomorrow? One needs in order to get his fill, to survive, and get your fill and live to be able to achieve development in other areas; this is logical.

Islam and Arabism

Al-Hayat: Recently, there have been indications in official Syrian rhetoric about an "accord" between Arabism and Islam.

President al-Assad: When I spoke at the conference of Arab political parties, I said that Arabism is linked to Islam. We cannot forget that Arabic was the language of Christ, meaning that it links various groups. When we support Arabism and Islam, they are complementary. After the independence of Syria and most Arab states, there was a western plan to strike at Arabism and Islam, and thus there was division in society. These forces would exploit such unrest. Linking the two issues is very important, to create stability in these societies.

The second point is that some of those who talk about Islam do so as if Arabism doesn't exist. This is dangerous, because it is Arabism that binds various segments of our societies, whether in religious, sectarian, or ethnic terms. I always say that Arabism is not a chauvinist idea, as it is said, or a racist idea. The idea of Arabism is a civilized one. What brings together various segments is that the foundations upon which Arab society is based involve Arabism and Islam, so these elements must be stable, so that other areas remain stable.

Al-Hayat: How did the Syrian leadership and Syrian authorities receive the establishment of the National Salvation Front?

President al-Assad: With contempt.

Al-Hayat: Why contempt?

President al-Assad: Any action for change must be based on the people. We live in Syria. I live with the people and I know exactly how the Syrian people sees these people. Whoever claims that he's able to undertake action for change should have the people, first of all. As for setting up fronts outside the country, and international support, all of this is meaningless. It's received with ridicule at the popular level as well.

Al-Hayat: Do you believe that the National Salvation Front enjoys international support?

President al-Assad: Yes, in one way or another.

Al-Hayat: Financial or political?

President al-Assad: I don't know if there's financial support. Political support in principle, yes. But financially, I don't know.

Al-Hayat: Were you surprised by Abdel-Halim Khaddam's being a part of it this group? Did you expect this?

President al-Assad: No, we weren't surprised. We didn't necessarily expect it. The performance and the (political) program are the same, it doesn't matter what the form is.

Al-Hayat: Has the storm passed?

President al-Assad: No, we think it's a long one.

Al-Hayat: The threat to the regime doesn't appear to be worrying, or is this just an impression?

President al-Assad: There's a difference between saying that the attack has tapered off, and our knowing how to deal with this attack. To begin with, Syria's vision has been clear. In terms of content things are continuing, we have more confidence and are better able to deal with new events or a new attack.

Al-Hayat: Since Syria trusts itself, why were there arrests recently?

President al-Assad: First, when we carry out something internally, the policy directive involves our internal situation, meaning that situation is what concerns us, and we don't worry about reactions. We don't allow anyone to intervene in something internal.

Second, we don't view this topic from the standpoint of whether we are confident about ourselves or not. When this topic is broached, it's broached as if the regime is afraid, and in fact it's not. The people were warned because the statement harms Syrian national security, and there has been cooperation with Lebanese groups that are hostile to Syria, in secret and openly. Therefore, this is illegal and goes beyond our national situation. It's natural for the law to be implemented on them and be tried, and there are now ordinary trials, not extraordinary tribunals.
END of Part II